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Center for Energy Studies | Commentary

Korean Support for Kyiv Would Transform Ukraine and Korea’s Global Role

November 12, 2024 | Henry Haggard
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky (R) and his South Korean counterpart Yoon Suk Yeol make statements following their talks in Kyiv on July 15, 2023.
Photo by SERGEI SUPINSKY/AFP via Getty Images

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Henry Haggard

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Russia-Ukraine warUkraineKoreaEuropean UnionGlobal energy

North Korea sends ammunition to Russia for use in Ukraine, Putin travels to Pyongyang and concludes a comprehensive strategic partnership, and North Korean special forces deploy to support Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine. Is there any doubt what Pyongyang and Moscow are up to? It is now abundantly clear that Russia has chosen its partner on the peninsula, and it is not South Korea. Now is the time for South Korea to acknowledge this fact and stand with the Ukrainian people, the United States, and Europe. If Seoul chooses to throw its full-throated support behind Ukraine, South Korean support could turn the tide on the entire conflict and even lead directly to a peace deal. While European and U.S. allies have limited capacity for armament production critically needed in a protracted ground battle such as in Ukraine, South Korea’s world-class companies have continued to develop, perfect, and produce exactly the weaponry needed in an ongoing industrial war. Now, South Korean companies are world leaders in producing military vehicles, ammunition, automated artillery, and other defense equipment that Ukraine desperately needs.

While this seems like a compelling argument for the South Korean government to step up and authorize Korean companies to engage directly with Kyiv, some balk, claiming donation or sales of lethal weapons could ratchet tension up with Pyongyang and Moscow. There is an equally strong case to make for supporting Ukraine that has nothing to do with responding to what North Korea has done or will do. Rather than calling out red lines (not something the United States would recommend as a diplomatic gambit—see Syria, 2013) and hinting that Korea may consider changing its policy and support Ukraine based on what North Korea and Russia do, Korea should make its case based on two other key factors: South Korea’s global role and responsibility, and the potential economic benefits to Korean companies and workers.

Korean politicians on both sides of the aisle, along with many pundits and scholars, have long advocated for and sought G7+ membership for South Korea. There is strong logic in favor of offering Korea a greater global role to correspond with its economic and military power and its global reach. The G7 weighs in regularly on the war in Ukraine and has sided clearly and repeatedly with Ukraine against Russia because Russia has chosen to wage a war of aggression, illegally redraw borders, and engage in genocide. Ukraine deserves more from Korean leaders than dithering about what actions might upset possible future trade with Russia or harm Moscow’s role in future peninsula talks. This is not a global approach. South Korea should take a position that is consistent with the universal values it supports and espouses. Global leadership entails making trade-offs and difficult decisions. And it does not seem that any Korean politician could say with a straight face that not supporting Ukraine is the right choice based on global values. The surest way for global powers to accept Korea in the G7+ is for Korea to make the right choice and go all-in and support Ukraine. 

Second, if Korea does make the choice to stand with the Ukrainian people, much as Colombia, Greece, Ethiopia, the United States, and others helped South Korea during the Korean War, there would be certain gain for Korea, directly and indirectly. Indirectly, if Korea marshaled its technical know-how and led efforts to shore up and protect Ukraine’s energy infrastructure and keep the Ukrainian people warm this winter, and if Korea sold its world-class weaponry to Ukraine permitting the Ukrainians to push back against Russian aggression and therefore trigger an end to the conflict, Korea’s global brand would skyrocket in value as leaders in Brussels and Washington, but also in Delhi and Bogota. Foreign leaders would acknowledge Korea’s geopolitical arrival and, if Korean support proves as decisive as I anticipate it could be, Korea would logically receive diplomatic accolades that would redound in other fora and result in a more effective voice for Korea to advance its interests across the globe. More directly, there is much at stake and much to gain. The European Union is poised to lead reconstruction efforts in Ukraine as soon as peace or an armistice is achieved. If Korea and Korean companies play a pivotal role in catalyzing such a peace, the future participation of Korean companies in the half-trillion-dollar task of rebuilding Ukraine would not only be assured, it could smooth the path for Korean companies to establish a significant presence in Ukraine, a country linked to the European Union, the largest market in the world. What could this mean? This wouldn’t just mean car, artillery, and battery factories in Ukraine, but Korean construction companies could find themselves at the top of the list to build airports, highways, and apartment buildings, and set to play a leading role in reconstructing Ukraine’s energy grid. 

Now is the time for Korea to help the Ukrainian people. If Seoul makes this difficult decision, it will benefit the Ukrainian and Korean people and could transform Korea’s global stature and global role. 

 

This piece was originally published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) on Oct. 28, 2024. The Baker Institute has obtained copyright permission to republish the commentary from CSIS. The original can be accessed here.

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