Skip to main content
Home
Home

  • People
  • Events
    Map of the Middle East
    Wed, June 10, 2026 | 5 pm - 6:45 pm
    The Middle East and US Foreign Policy: What Happens Next? See Details
    AI in Health Conference_Banner Image
    Science and Technology Policy
    Tue, Sep. 15 - Thu, Sep. 17, 2026 | 8 am - 6 pm
    AI in Health Conference See Details
    SynBio-Crop
    Science and Technology Policy
    Fri, Sep. 18, 2026 | 9 am - 5 pm
    Synthetic Biology at the Intersection of Science, Ethics, and Policy See Details
  • Podcasts
  • Research Programs
  • Research & Commentary
  • Press
  • Support
  • About
  • Newsletter
  • Search
  • Research
  • Twitter
  • Facebook
  • instagram
  • Linkedin
  • Youtube
  • Newsletter
  • Economics & Finance
  • Energy
  • Foreign Policy
  • Domestic Policy
  • Health & Science
  • All Publications
Claudio X. González Center for the US and Mexico | Research Paper

Legalizing Unauthorized Immigrants in the Wake of the COVID-19 Pandemic

December 13, 2021 | Pia Orrenius, Madeline Zavodny
An envelope from the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services rests on the U.S. flag.

Table of Contents

Author(s)

Pia Orrenius

Vice President and Senior Economist, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas | Research Fellow, IZA Institute of Labor Economics

Madeline Zavodny

Professor of Economics, University of North Florida | Research Fellow, IZA Institute of Labor Economics

Share this Publication

  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Email
  • Linkedin
  • Download PDF
  • Print This Publication

To access the full paper, download the PDF on the left-hand sidebar.

Introduction

In recognition of the vital role of undocumented workers during the COVID-19 pandemic, policymakers and immigrant advocates have renewed calls to give legal status to certain unauthorized immigrants in the United States. Most of the proposals would create a pathway to U.S. citizenship for the estimated 5.5 million unauthorized immigrants who are considered “essential workers.” Such proposals represent a stark change from the more punitive stance toward unauthorized immigrants taken by the federal government and many states since 9/11.

That said, such proposals raise the question of whether a partial legalization scheme makes economic sense. As this paper explains, on balance, it does not. A limited legalization program would confer legal status on an arbitrarily defined subgroup of immigrants in certain occupations at a point in time while leaving out others. It would create deep inequities among immigrants and stand in the way of resolving, once and for all, the problem of illegal immigration. Millions of undocumented workers would continue in their jobs, making it near impossible to hold them or their employers accountable. It would preserve the jobs magnet for future unauthorized immigration, keeping pressure on the border and setting the stage for the need for future legalization schemes. And it would further marginalize those undocumented immigrants who work in so-called nonessential jobs, amplifying their vulnerability.

To realize the full benefits of comprehensive immigration reform and deter future unauthorized immigration, a broad and inclusive legalization program is needed—not one limited to essential workers or other “deserving” immigrants—and it needs to be coupled with stricter worksite enforcement and expanded legal pathways for future workers. Otherwise, the United States will continue to grapple with a sizable marginalized workforce for the foreseeable future.

An estimated 10.5 million migrants living in the United States—about one-quarter of the foreign-born population—lack legal status. The substantial size of the undocumented population is due to better economic opportunities for immigrants and their children here than in their origin countries. But it also reflects the long length of time since the country has had a large-scale legalization program, plus complex immigration policies that make it difficult for many immigrants to receive permanent resident status if they crossed the border illegally. The first and last mass U.S. legalization program was in 1986. Since then, most immigrants who have received permanent resident visas (“green cards”) have done so as a result of family ties. However, there are long backlogs for most family-sponsored green-card categories. And, of course, some unauthorized immigrants do not have a family member who can sponsor them for a green card. A further complication is that changes to U.S. immigration policy in 1996 require unauthorized immigrants who crossed the border illegally (rather than overstayed a visa) to return home and wait in their home country for several years before they can receive a permanent resident visa and reenter the United States. This has resulted in many of them choosing to stay in place and living in mixed- status families, where some members of the family may be citizens, others permanent residents, and some unauthorized immigrants. Clearly, those members of the family with legal status who would have been able to petition for those without it can no longer do so.

Most unauthorized immigrants work, often in low-paying jobs that could not be done remotely during the pandemic, and have been living in the country for over a decade. Many have put down deep roots in the United States, including having U.S.-born children. For some who arrived in the country as children, the United States is the only home they know. A few have even served in the military. It therefore may be tempting to view some groups of unauthorized immigrants as having earned legal status, perhaps because they are “essential” workers, childhood arrivals, or veterans. This policy paper argues that the benefits of a broad-based legalization program outweigh the costs and justify creating a program that is open to almost all unauthorized immigrants, not just a subset of them who are perceived to have earned it.

The next section provides an overview of the unauthorized immigrant population and its trends over the last three decades. The paper then explores the benefits and costs of a legalization program. The benefits are large enough that legalization should be comprehensive, not piecemeal. And finally, several additional changes should be put in place to avoid a return to mass illegal immigration in the future, including universal worksite enforcement and broader guest worker programs.

© 2021 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy
https://doi.org/10.25613/71A9-FC56
  • Print This Publication
  • Share
    • Facebook
    • Twitter
    • Email
    • Linkedin

Related Research

digital map of North America
Claudio X. González Center for the US and Mexico | Commentary

United States’ Objectives as the USMCA Negotiations Begin

Read More
People holding flag of Mexico. "September 16. Independence Day of Mexico.
Judy Ley Allen México Centered | Claudio X. González Center for the US and Mexico | Podcast

Can Somos México Revitalize Mexican Democracy?

Read More
Rendering of North American Free Trade Agreement Members
Claudio X. González Center for the US and Mexico | Working Paper

Rethinking the USMCA Labor Chapter Ahead of the 2026 Review

Read More
  • Contact Us
  • Donate Now
  • Press
  • Membership
  • Careers
  • Student Opportunities
  • About the Institute
  • Rice.edu

6100 Main Street
Baker Hall MS-40, Suite 120
Houston, TX 77005

Email: [email protected]
Phone: 713-348-4683
Fax: 713-348-5993

  • Twitter
  • Facebook
  • instagram
  • Linkedin
  • Youtube
  • Newsletter
  • © Rice University's Baker Institute for Public Policy
  • Web Accessibility
  • Privacy Policy