Research Library

In April 2015, Chile passed a gender quota law as part of a larger reform to the country’s election laws. Quotas are not new to Latin America, and Chile is, in fact, one of the last countries in the region to adopt such a law. Yet, expectations for success must be tempered by what scholars know about making quotas effective for increasing women’s legislative representation. Analysis of gender quota laws in Latin America suggests that Chile’s quota may be less effective than proponents hope.

Jennifer Herricks, postdoctoral fellow in disease and poverty, testified before the Texas House Committee on Public Health about a bill establishing a sentinel surveillance program for emerging and neglected tropical diseases.

Peter Hotez, fellow in disease and poverty, testified about the continuing threat of neglected tropical diseases before the U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights and International Organizations.

William Martin, director of the Drug Policy Program, and Katharine A. Neill, Alfred C. Glassell, III Postdoctoral Fellow in Drug Policy, testify about the likelihood of marijuana being used as a gateway to harder drugs and the effects of decriminalization on teen use rates before the Texas House Criminal Jurisprudence Committee.

The current electoral labyrinth in Egypt continues to pose a significant challenge to creating a just and all-inclusive political system. Despite the myriad electoral reforms and constitutional amendments passed in the past four years, women continue to play a minor role in the decision-making process in postrevolutionary Egypt. The new constitution unveiled in early 2014 lacks a constitutional provision or a quota system that would guarantee equal political representation for women; this will negatively impact women’s ability to exert influence in the political arena.

In contrast to the generally accepted view of U.S. policy toward hostile regimes, especially in the Caribbean basin, Washington is not trying to destabilize the government of Venezuela. In fact, it is making efforts to keep Nicolás Maduro in office. With U.S. foreign policy in a precarious position — facing challenges from ISIS, Russia and China — stabilizing the Maduro government looks like the most rational option to support the White House’s current interests in the Western Hemisphere.

On Feb. 24, 2015, public finance fellow John Diamond testified on tax reform before U.S. Senate Finance Committee.

Mexico Center director Tony Payan testified about U.S.-Mexico relations before the Committee on International Trade and Intergovernmental Affairs.

Will Prime Minister Netanyahu’s speech before Congress lead to a diplomatic showdown on Iran?

In 1972, a National Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse, comprising establishment figures chosen mostly by President Richard Nixon himself, issued a report that declared that “neither the marihuana user nor the drug itself can be said to constitute a danger to public safety” and recommended that Congress and state legislatures decriminalize the use and casual distribution of marijuana and seek means other than prohibition to discourage use. President Nixon ignored the report and Congress declined to consider its recommendations, but during the 40-plus years since its publication, at least 37 states have acted to refashion a crazy-quilt collection of prohibitions, nearly always in the direction favored by the commission. The specifics vary by state, but most reform legislation has followed one of three formulas: decriminalization of marijuana possession, legalization of marijuana for medical use, or legalization of marijuana for adult recreational use. In this issue brief, authors Katharine Neill and William Martin examine the facts and fears surrounding each of these options.